Amadeo Bordiga Party and Class. First Published: “Partito e classe”, Rassegna Comunista, no 2, April 15, ; Source. A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to Communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist Internat.
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This position, after the former which reduced the class struggle bordoga a so- called struggle between socialist and capitalist States, is their final insult to revolutionary Marxism. It also denounces pacifism as a weapon of the class enemy to disarm the proletariat and withhold them from revolutionary influence. He attended his last meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern inthe same year in which he confronted Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin face-to-face.
Today, what we can say is not that in there existed the conditions for a socialist revolution in Italy, but rather that — after the end of the First World War — the parties of the proletariat could have assumed the leadership of a successful offensive movement.
Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview
You may use these HTML tags and attributes: Why were you, Mr Bordiga, always against any action involving a common front or alliance between communists and the other parties that opposed Fascism? The strike gathered great strength throughout the country and was able to face down the harsh measures adopted by our opponents.
How do you explain, inthe ideological agreement between Antonio Gramsci and the liberal Gobetti on the basis of the common struggle against Fascism. I shall note that, shortly thereafter, Lenin — drafting his text on extremism as the infantile disorder of communism — wrote that he had received and read a few issues of Il Soviet and that he considered our movement the only one in Italy to have understood the necessity to separate communists from social-democrats, by splitting the Socialist Party.
The only historical alternative to be set against such a situation is the awakening of the internal class struggle, until the civil war of the working masses to overthrow the power of all bourgeois states and of world coalitions, with the reconstitution of the International Communist Party as an autonomous force, independent of any organised political or military power.
Although small in number and having but few bounds with the proletarian masses, in fact jealously attached to its theoretical tasks, which are of prime importance, the Party, because of this true appreciation of its revolutionary duties in the present period, refuses to become a circle of thinkers or of those searching for new truths, of “renovators” considering as insufficient the past truth, and absolutely refuses to be considered as such. The first characteristic is a fact of consciousness, the second is a fact of will, or more precisely of a striving towards a final end.
The Bordigists, as they became known, with their theory of the party and their opposition to any form of frontismheld that program was everything and a gate-receipt notion of numbers was nothing.
The bourgeoisie governs with the majority, not only of all the citizens, but also of the workers taken alone. I reiterate my historical assessment that the last clash between Italian proletarian groups and the Fascist squads — with the full backing of state powers — was the great national strike of August Discover new books on Goodreads.
This carried the unacceptable risk the the forces of our party be compelled to act for objectives that contrasted with those dictated by our doctrine and historical vision, and that we could never relinquish.
This course excludes the progressive, pacifist and evolutionist interpretations of the becoming of the bourgeois regime, and confirms the prevision of the concentration and of the antagonistic arraying of the class forces. True Marxists know, that the American imperialism has taken up since the first World War from the English “despot” the role of principal white guard of the world, as Lenin and the Third International many times emphasised during the glorious period of revolutionary struggle.
Amadeo Bordiga on Capitalism and Other Disasters 3. The territorial organisation of the party was changed for a network of factory cells. The elected organs and the parliament of the old bourgeois tradition are no more than survivals. Why did amadwo oppose above all socialists, maximalists and reformists, who could have been useful allies against Fascism?
Although it sees in Napoleon an obstacle to the bourgeois development of Germany, revolutionary Marxism goes immediately on the side of the anti- bourgeois struggle which will be that of all parties of the Commune, first workers’ dictatorship in history.
It is instead the matter of a deep discrepancy of conceptions about the deterministic organicity of the party as a historical body, living in the reality of the class struggle; it is a fundamental deviation in principles, that made the parties unable to foresee and face the opportunist danger. The deviations and political errors discussed in paragraphs 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 16 above, threw the world communist movement into total opportunism which could be seen from its attitude towards fascism and totalitarian governments.
To what extent do you think today that this analysis is legitimate? Having made these clear distinctions, I think I can rightly state that the transmission and re-transmission of a solid doctrinarian schematism between the leadership and the base is an irreplaceable element of the life of any communist party, and an essential weapon in the struggle against the degeneration of the worldwide revolutionary movement. I opposed them then and I would do so now, after a long historical experience: What would have led to stasis was precisely forming coalitions with other parties, including those with whom we had broken our physiological ties in the field of organisation.
Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview | Overland literary journal
The cycle of victorious struggles and of defeats, even the most drastic ones, and the opportunistic waves during which the revolutionary movement is submitted to the influence of the enemy class constitute a vast field of positive experiences where the revolution matures.
Only by respecting this rule could a divergence of interests and objectives between the Russian State and the World revolution be avoided.
For Bordiga, the Western European communist parties’ strategy of fighting this ebb by absorbing a mass of left-wing social democrats through the united front was a complete capitulation to the period of counter-revolutionary ebb he saw setting in. The Left always claimed unity and continuity of the Communist organisation in the face of all these dissolving practices.
In the interview, he is repeatedly asked to account for his steadfast refusal to seek alliances and form a united front against the Fascist threat.
He thought that it was possible to form alliances with any of the adversaries and critics of Mussolini in preparation for a future Italian regime, a theory that I notoriously abhorred — as I do to this day. Democracy to Bordiga meant above all the manipulation of society as a formless mass. My impression to this day is that his uncommon intelligence led him, on the one hand, to share and completely agree with my radical Marxist propositions, which he appeared to be hearing for the first time; and, on the other, to articulate a subtle, precise and polemical critique, which already emerged from the substantive differences between the positions of our respective periodicals: Because of the defeat of the bourgeois revolutions ofthis strategy of alliance between proletariat and bourgeoisie against the classes of the old regime valid, in the eyes of Marxists, untilin view of the fact that this feudal regime still persists in Russia, in Austria and in Germany and that the national unity of Italy, Germany and the east European countries is a necessary condition of Europe’s industrial development.
The proletarian movement that led to the occupation of the factories reached its apex in the Autumn ofafter the Italian delegation at the Second Congress of the Communist International returned from Moscow. This thesis can be found in our conclusions at the Italian Communist Congresses of Rome and Lyonbut had an even earlier origin.
What in fact is a social class according to our critical method? Reformists in already reasoned thus: It is not the addition or subtraction of the small minority of bourgeois voters that will alter the relationship.
The double explanation ended amqdeo with a reciprocal confirmation that each had correctly interpreted the overall ideas of the other. Thus, it openly contradicted any hope and opportunity to channel that tension, that boridga, that widespread malcontent, in the only direction that — as history was showing us — could lead not just Italy but all of Europe to a socialist and revolutionary outcome.
In the same way, the irrevocable victory of capitalism over those forms which have preceded it historically, that is the victory of the bourgeoisie over the feudal and land-owning aristocracy and over the other classes characteristic of the old regime, be it Asiatic or European or of other continents, is a condition for communism. Revolutionaries should leave one as the other to the UNO which is horror struck at the mention of class struggle, but is itself, like the League of Nations, a league of Robbers.
Amadeo Bordiga and the development of a revolutionary core
The International did not understand that Fascism or National Socialism had nothing to do with an attempt to return to despotic and feudal forms of government, nor with the victory of the so-called right-wing bourgeois sections in opposition with the more advanced capitalist class from the big industries, nor an attempt to form an autonomous government bordkga the intermediate classes between employers and proletariat.
The last time we operated together in what can rightly be called a party environment dates back towhen both of us were sent in confinement to the island of Ustica.
Important strata and innumerable individuals will remain outside this organisation even though they materially belong to the class in whose interest the revolution will triumph.
There was a significant convergence between Gramsci and me in the period that led to the creation of the Communist Faction within the old Italian Socialist Party, and after the split in Livorno and the foundation of the Communist Party of Italy.
We always regarded the other parties produced by the splits of Livorno and Milan as our most dangerous enemies, because their residual influence was openly opposed to preparing for the revolution. It rejects all forms of closed organisations.